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حملة في الضفة الغربية تدعو لدولة واحدة لـ5 ملايين عربي و6 ملايين يهودي
07/03/2012
تناولت "يديعوت أحرونوت" في موقعها على الشبكة الحملة الإعلامية التي يجري تنظيمها في الضفة الغربية، والتي تدعو إلى التخلي عن حل الدولتين وإقامة "دولة ديمقراطية واحدة لـ5 مليون عربي و 6 مليون يهودي"، بدون الإشارة إلى اللاجئين أو ذكر الشعب الفلسطيني.وأشارت إلى أن جهة سرية تقف وراء الحملة، تطلق على نفسها "التكامل"، وقامت بنشر إعلانات ضخمة في المدن الفلسطينية.كما أشارت إلى أن هذه الحملة أدت إلى انتشار شائعات في مناطق السلطة الفلسطينية بشأن هوية من يقف وراءها، بدءا من حركة فتح التي تحاول القيام بمناورة إعلامية للضغط على إسرائيل، وانتهاء بإسرائيل نفسها حيث يوجد مبادرات تدعو إلى ضم غالبية مناطق الضفة الغربية ومنح الفلسطينيين فيها المواطنة الإسرائيلية.ونقلت عن المدير العام لمؤسسة "صوتنا فلسطين"، سامر مخلوف، قوله إن الجهة التي تقف وراء الحملة غير معروفة، ومن المحتمل أن تكون مجموعة تضم أكاديميين ومثقفين فلسطينيين.يشار إلى أن المؤسسة، كما تعرف نفسها، "تسعى أجل إيجاد أجماع لحل الصراع وبناء بنية بشرية قادرة على حشد الجماهير نحو اتفاقية شاملة ودائمة بين الفلسطينيين والإسرائيليين تفضي إلى إنهاء الاحتلال وحل كافة قضايا الوضع النهائي وفقا لقرارات الشرعية الدولية لجلب لأمن والسلام لكلا الشعبين. وتعتبر حدود الرابع من حزيران 1967 الأساس لإقامة الدولة الفلسطينية المستقلة والقابلة للحياة ذات حدود دائمة، وان أية تعديلات بهذه الحدود تعتبر غير شرعية ما لم يكن متفق عليها من قبل الطرفين. وعليه ، فإن المؤسسة ترفض كل أشكال العنف من قبل أي من الجانبين، كما أنها تؤكد أن العنف لن يفضى أبدا لتحقيق نهاية للصراع".إلى ذلك، أضاف مخلوف أن هناك علامات سؤال بشأن ما إذا كان للمجموعة الفلسطينية شركاء إسرائيليون، خاصة وأنه تم رسم العلم الإسرائيلي والعلم الفلسطيني على بعض الإعلانات. بيد أن هذه الإعلانات تمت إزالتها من قبل ناشطين فلسطينيين معارضين لوجود العلم الإسرائيلي، ومعارضين للحملة أيضا.ونقلت عن عضو اللجنة التنفيذية لمنظمة التحرير الفلسطينية حنان عشراوي قوله إن هناك أصواتا ترتفع تطالب بحل الدولة الواحدة، مشيرة إلى أن م. ت. ف لم تغير موقفها بشأن حل الدولتين على أساس حدود الرابع من حزيران 1967. وأضافت أن التوسع الاستيطاني والإجراءات التي تقوم بها الحكومة الإسرائيلية تهدم أسس حل الدولتين، وستكون النتيجة الفعلية حل الدولة الواحدة.كما نقلت عن المصادر الفلسطينية قولها إن تأييد حل الدولتين يتراجع رويدا رويدا في وسط المجتمع الفلسطيني بسبب الوضع القائم على الأرض، ويبحث عن بديل لإنهاء الصراع.تجدر الإشارة إلى أن وسائل الإعلام كانت قد تناقلت قبل نحو أسبوع أن مجموعة من الناشطين السياسيين والحزبيين الفلسطينيين، تضم أكاديميين وكوادر تنظيمية ونخبة من المثقفين تعمل على صياغة ورقة مشروع لتحقيق إقامة الدولة الواحدة كحل لنهاية الصراع الفلسطيني الاسرائيلي.ونقل عن ياسر المصري المنسق العام للمجموعة التي أطلقت على نفسها "تكامل"، والتي هي محط تشككات وتساؤلات، قوله إن هذه الخطوة تأتي بعد مشاورات واسعة في الداخل والخارج لوضع حدّ للصراع الفلسطيني الإسرائيلي، بعد الشعور بفشل المشاريع المطروحة وعلى رأسها حلّ الدولتين .وأضاف المصري أنّه بعد الإحباطات المتتالية والسياسات الإسرائيلية المتواصلة المعرقلة لأي جهد سياسي نحو إنهاء هذا الصراع بحلّ الدولتين، رأت مجموعة الناشطين الفلسطينيين أنّ طرح حلّ الدولة الواحدة هو الحلّ الأمثل الذي يمكن تقديمه لإنهاء الصراع. وأن المجموعة تعمل على إعداد مشروع الدولة الواحدة لطرحه على القيادة السياسية الفلسطينية والعربية كحل بديل لحل الدولتين.وعلم أن حركتي حماس والجهاد الإسلامي سارعتا إلى إدانة الحملة، واتهام حركة فتح بأنها تقف وراءها. وبحسب الحركتين فإن مجرد وجود هذه الحملة يخدم عملية التطبيع مع إسرائيل، وهي المستفيد الوحيد منها.
March 7th.2012
AIPAC, buy me!
The leading right-wingers in America view Israel as a kind of political football made out of seven million residents, a football that can be kicked at the wall over and over.
By Boaz Gaon
I, Boaz Gaon, being of sound mind and body, hereby offer myself for sale to AIPAC. Should the committee decline, I offer the opportunity to Sheldon Adelson. In any event, I offer my internal organs for free, as a confidence-building gesture, to leading right-wingers in America - to all those who view Israel as a kind of political football made out of seven million residents, a football that can be kicked at the wall over and over. After all, we Israelis don't feel any pain, and we know that our destiny is to be tossed around like a ball in some exclusive gym by Republican lobbyists, before they head off to the sauna and then cocktails.
I'm offering myself for sale even though I was warned by my lawyer that this is an irreversible step, and that in all likelihood I'll find myself at Israel Hayom newspaper's next conference, and/or at the next reunion of White House veterans who worked for George W. Bush - persons who are partners of the Israeli right (Daniel Pipes, Elliot Abrams ) - naked and trussed up, with an apple stuffed in my mouth and served on a silver platter that has a likeness of Irving Moskowitz inscribed on it.
I'm doing this because I can read the writing on the wall. I am aware that a high percentage of Israel's media have already been bought off by right-wing Americans (Ron Lauder, Adelson ), and that a fair share of the right-wingers on the Yesha Council of settlements come from the United States (as in the case of the Central Fund of Israel, directed by the Marcus family, which serves as the funding pipeline for the extremist groups Im Tirtzu and Women in Green ). And I know that Jerusalem is littered with "research institutes" financed by right-wing Americans, and that the goal of these institutes is to provide employment for prominent Israeli right-wingers (Natan Sharansky, Moshe Ya'alon, Moshe Arens ).
More than anything, I am aware that these "lovers of Israel," those who like to stand next to gigantic blue and white flags, have no interest in improving education in Israel, or bettering the country's housing or health-care systems, or improving its culture and scientific research. They have no interest in honing the country's legal system, particularly on matters of religion and state, nor do they care about narrowing gaps between rich and poor, men and women, or Jews and Arabs. In short, they care little about the prosaic realities of daily Israeli life. These realities can't be seen from the lobby of the King David Hotel in Jerusalem, and they are obscured by the cherry blossoms in the Washington area. These are the realities of my Israel. That's not the same thing as the Israel that is supported by the Yesha Council, which is, in turn, funded by the evangelical Christian right.
I'm taking this step because I've come to understand that my own existence, and that of my children, merely shatters the sweet illusion of Israelis as matchsticks used to build a spectacular model of Noah's Ark. Our lives belie the illusion that Jerusalem is a composite of Judaica items, each costing $30,000 in Zurich Airport's duty free store. This is the illusion that allows people to call for the bombing of Iran while they sit in a mansion in Dallas. Or for the eradication of Israel's democracy while lounging in a winter retreat in Miami. Or the annexation of Judea and Samaria while having a drink at the blackjack table in Las Vegas.
Ah, yes, there's another reason - the American-Jewish left isn't going to toss me a nickel. Neither Steven Spielberg, nor Rob Reiner, nor Barbra Streisand, nor any liberal Jewish billionaire. They are busy working for the Democratic Party, and ignoring Israeli issues. As far as they're concerned, Israel isn't worth a goddamned penny, as they say
ملك الأردن على متن طائرته الخاصة فأين يستخدم الكاتب تيسير نظمي حاسوبه أيضا ؟ في زريبة فندق شعبي؟ وهل هذا ما أنتجته المملكة في عمرها المديد وهو أن يحجز على منزل كاتب وصحفي وعلم ومترجم أردني من أصل فلسطيني ثم يفصل من وظيفته ويجري التنكيل به طيلة أحد عشر شهرا مضت في محاولة لتصفيته وقتله ماديا ومعنويا رغم أنه عضو رابطة الكتاب الأردنيين أو الرابطة في الأردن ؟ ما رأي ملك الأردن لو نشرنا صورة واحدة لمكان إقامة مدير عام حركة ابداع مقارنة بالصورة أعلاه ؟ نعم ما رأي الرئيس باراك أوباما نفسه في البيت الأبيض ؟ هلى يرتضي أوباما ونتانياهو مكان إقامة تيسير نظمي لإقامة كلابهم ؟ لكن ما يعتز به تيسير نظمي هو أنه في شارع الملك طلال جد ملك الأردن ... وهذا يكفي . إقرأ ... يا ملك الأردن ما كتب أعلاه لتعرف من هي حاشيتك ومن هي حكوماتك وما هي معارضتك وكل المسيرات التي مرت من تحت شرفة وكاميرة مفكر عربي بارز محروم من التعبير عن فكره منذ عشرين سنة في مملكتك. ونظامك يا ملك الأردن دمر له أسرته ومدرسته وبيته فهل هذه انجازات والدكم وانجازاتكم الدستورية والحضارية أن تحطمون كل ما جاءكم من الكويت من بنية مجتمعية عادت إلى ربوع وطنها في الضفتين - 25-2-2012- حركة ابداع
http://tnazmi.com/Events.php
Published 07.03.2012
If Obama wins in November, is Netanyahu in trouble?
No one will be following the U.S. presidential campaign more closely than the man adored by Republicans nationwide as the favorite son they can never adopt, Benjamin Netanyahu.
By Bradley Burston
There is something in the air. Something new. Something as recent as this week's AIPAC conference. And for Benjamin Netanyahu, it's not something to be desired.American conservatives have begun to think out loud that Barack Obama will win in November. Citing the GOP's disastrous showing in the 1964 presidential election, influential Washington Post columnist George Will suggested this week in a tone of some resignation ("the Presidency is not everything") that conservatives might better use their energies by concentrating instead on Congressional and Senate races.No one will be following the campaign more closely than the man adored by Republicans nationwide as the favorite son they can never adopt, Benjamin Netanyahu. And should Obama win a second term, perhaps recouping a measure of Congressional strength on his coattails, Netanyahu stands to lose as much as anyone. Much of the prime minister's policymaking strategy has been based on educated hopes for a steady decline in Obama's first-term electoral strength and a Netanyahu- friendly Republican taking the White House in 2012. Marshalling conservative allies in Congress and the Jewish community, Netanyahu seemed to have shattered the Obama administration's linkage of Israeli-Palestinian peace progress (with its attendant threats to the settlement enterprise) and resolution of other regional issues, notably Iran.But it's a different Netanyahu coming home this week. The Prime Minister's Office is no longer betting on Obama to lose.You can hear the change in the words of Israeli officials. Before the shift, during the run-up to AIPAC and a closely watched meeting at the Oval Office, the prime minister had five senior U.S. senators over to lunch, a group headed by Republican former presidential candidate John McCain.Officials, riding a frankly pro-Republican wave of sentiment, later quoted Netanyahu as telling the senators he was "disappointed" with Obama administration statements on Iran, adding that the public opposition of administration leaders – apparently including the president – to an attack on Iran, "serves the Iranians."On Tuesday, as the AIPAC conference ended, government figures in Jerusalem took a markedly different tack, one that began to confront the possibility that Obama may occupy the Oval Office for four fateful second-term years."We hope that if he is re-elected in November," Channel 10 television quoted officials as saying, "that he will appreciate Israel's restraint, if, in fact, Israel maintains restraint."It was not lost on them, that at a key Congressional briefing Tuesday, the head of the U.S. Central Command, Marine Gen. James Mattis, signaled a rebirth of linkage, warning a joint military affairs committee that the current stalemate in the Israel-Palestine stalemate could not continue, and that talks toward a two-state solution were needed.It wasn't supposed to be like this. By this time, aided by and aiding the Republican-in-all-but-name Netanyahu government, Obama, and talk of an urgent need for negotiations toward two states, were supposed to be on their way out.But as the American economy recovers and the Republican Party guts itself in efforts to field a credible candidate to face Obama, the Netanyahu government is weighing a challenge that may prove politically second only to that of a nuclear Tehran – an Obama victory.At issue are the twin underpinnings of the Netanyahu government, expansion of settlements and resistance to granting concessions to Palestinians. They are the cement that has kept in place an ill-fitting collection of political building blocks.Second-term U.S. presidents often have much more freedom to bring influence to bear on their Israeli allies, a factor of significance if Obama seeks to forge an Israeli-Palestinian peace as the cornerstone of his presidency.Should Obama win, Netanyahu may have to radically rethink the composition of his government, as well as his strategy with respect to the Palestinians. He may have no choice but to begin to put substance to his commitment – empty until now – toward a two-state solution.In theory, Netanyahu will not let this happen without a fight. It is in his every short-term interest to help the GOP recapture the White House. But if Obama's electoral strength continues to grow, Netanyahu may be forced to concede that his fight has ended before it has truly begun.Most of all, Netanyahu will have to deal differently with Obama himself. It won't be easy. Where the current American President and Israeli Prime Minister are concerned, there's never been a special relationship quite like this one.Since Netanyahu's election three years ago, the only genuine leader of the opposition in Israeli politics has been Barack Obama. And for Obama as a first-term American president, Netanyahu has increasingly filled the same role.Early on, Obama mounted what became the only substantive challenge to Netanyahu's hard-line policies. But when the Washington-wrought freeze on settlement construction failed to jump-start peace negotiations, Netanyahu was quick to leverage Obama's flagging mid-term popularity to his own advantage, turning much of Congress itself into a version of AIPAC.Netanyahu's May appearance before a joint session of Congress, arranged by Republican lawmakers, took on the tones of a shadow State of the Union address, underscoring the absence of a Republican figure capable of galvanizing broad support even on the U.S. right.In the end, both men know that the wild card in the deck is war. On a strictly political level, the consequences of war before November – soaring oil prices, a plunging stock market, division and despair among Democrats – could spell defeat for Obama.Poker, with war in the balance, remains a game which Netanyahu, though seasoned, has shown himself to play only erratically. Obama, though new to the game, has become a quick study. Netanyahu is still in the game. But he can no longer afford to bet against Obama.
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